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Staying On The Path. Dune Live Jam. Chll Smth Vol. Justice - Genesis Kll Smth Remix. Alongside the voices expressing this paradigm already quoted, White proposes that calling a service liturgical is, by definition, an indication that all worshippers play an active role; that herein is expressed the priesthood of believers p. Erickson equally celebrates the priestly character of the church as defiance of a clergy-dominated performance of the liturgy p.
Music as communal practice, reinforcing community values, has a long heritage in African American 25 musical traditions Small, , pp. Kimball , Wallace and numerous other Christian authors could be quoted for their vocal affirmation of the participatory nature of corporate worship.
In fact, it may be one of the few points of agreement between traditional and contemporary worship proponents, and this point speaks to the very heart of musical choices for CCS. Of course, agreeing that corporate musical worship is to be an activity of the whole body of gathered believers, is not the same as agreeing on what defines participation. Erickson may state: Music is indispensable to participation , p. People participate by singing, but also through thoughtful contemplation.
Those who lift their hands, or clap, participate in ways that are both similar to and different from communal singing. Musical styles that encourage greater physical or emotional engagement are participatory in an extended way. Marsh and Roberts though not specifically addressing CCS, do present insight into participation. Clearly there are challenges in determining a congregant s level of participation through observation alone.
While scripture may assert that God sees the heart of the worshipper 1 Samuel , scholarship focuses on the observable, logical, and arguable. Fortunately, the esthesic analysis of the NCLS data in Chapter Six directly deals with the empirical evidence for participation levels in contemporary worship.
However, at this stage of engaging with the literature, notions of participatory worship only grow in complexity, as Corbitt articulates: How we [participate in] worship is seldom taught, but transferred through experience worship culture. With rare exceptions, music is central to our worship culture. As such, our preference and selection of music have much to do with our cultural preferences and aesthetic standards p. It is a justifiable relational coupling, but as Corbitt acknowledges, fraught with subjectivity.
This subjectivity is apparent in Dawn s charge for churches to teach congregants the distinction between music appropriate for private enjoyment and music suitable for public worship" p. Dawn clearly considers herself equipped to judge music suitable for public worship , as do others. Aniol , Blanchard and Lucarini , Gordon , Johansson and Parrett all echo the high art rhetoric, warning against pleasing people with musical choices based on unbelievers tastes , as if somehow believers have some musical conversion alongside their spiritual one.
Of course, positing a God-preferred worship style in the negative is disingenuous; it is too easy to propose music God purportedly does not like. Negative assessments of the CCS genre are often based on the premise that music is not morally neutral. Bourn and others see Blanchard and Lucarini, not only support this line of thinking, but further propose, even if music is morally neutral, those who compose it are not.
As music is continually associated with a certain context and values it inevitably possesses those values Bourn, Consequently, they argue that popular music associated with profane and degenerate values from a certain Christian perspective cannot and should not be adopted by the church. The logic is that an appropriate musical style for worship must exist that was somehow created in a sacred cultural vacuum, or perhaps that whatever the styles of secular music, church music should always sound as different from them as possible.
When asked about popular music forms of worship in The Christian Century, Wren does not stand alone when he argues that music cannot be divided into secular and sacred. In fact, he acknowledges that to look down on [secular] popular music is a class-based prejudice which we need to unlearn God talk and congregational song, , p. Dawn is equally zealous regarding this topic, revealing her Reformed heritage and accompanying musical biases.
She later proposes, shallow music forms shallow people ibid. Without ever directly mentioning popular music, and without justification, Dawn clearly infers its inadequacies. Equally importantly, the premise is flawed: musical associations that would be disruptive to worship should surely include all music with which believers experience negative associations.
For example, organ music, that one might associate with the lifeless, religious traditions of men ; choral music, if associated with negative experiences of choir participation. A musical style for worship that has no negative associations for anyone inevitably rules out all musical styles.
The concept of participation led to a consideration of music in which a given culture might naturally participate, and some of the scholars above do have moments of capitulation. Dawn , for example, later defines a more pragmatic approach to participation, stating that the diversity of ages, maturity and culture within churches requires authentic worship to explore a variety of musical styles pp. Her presupposition is that if all congregation members feel that some effort has been made to connect with their preferred musical style, then they will more actively engage in corporate worship.
Would there be increased participation if all tastes were catered to, as Adnams also suggests , p. Surely it is not even possible to cater to the plethora of tastes spanning a church of hundreds or thousands or even just ten, which the esthesic investigation Chapter Six confirms. Even an attempt to please everyone s musical preferences also has the potential to disengage everyone equally, or simply lead to participation only during the familiar.
Indeed, these terms were identified by worship directors26 interviewed by Morgenthaler , p. Honing in on the kind of worship music that Baby-Boomers , returning to the church, are seeking, Morgenthaler speaks of worship that involves: Expressive This proposition is well supported in the research of other ethnographers like Adnams , Ingalls , and Jennings Clearly, the right music elicits in us an openness to participate.
Musical worship is intentionally an affective experience, as Hull acknowledges. His concern, shared by many, is that placing the subjective needs of worshippers at the centre of corporate worship turns God into the believer s servant, rather than submitting our lives to be God- centred pp. Wilson-Dickson similarly asserts that positive spiritual commitment , which results in enthusiastic singing, will eclipse the focus on musical style p.
Chapell also suggests prioritising Christ should enable unity, despite worship style choices; however he quickly acknowledges, at levels more deep than most of us can explain, music communicates our values, anchors our feelings, and expresses our heart. Therefore, the music chosen to accompany our worship leads to profound inspiration or isolation p. However, they are at the centre of the discourse on CCS.
Tiefel , over years ago suggested, Composers [of CCS] will have to work with the [popular music] style before it becomes workable for the people in the pew p. A generation born and bred on popular music inevitably makes an expression of their faith that coalesces with their musical preferences.
In light of this, we turn our attention to popular music studies and its intersection with CCS. Early popular music scholars wrestled with an emerging and evolving field that stood in the shadow of over years of Western art music history, academia, and hauteur.
At first, it was Euro-centric sociological approaches that grappled with popular culture generally, and popular music specifically, which provided new paradigms for research. Now, fifty years on from the publication of Adorno s Introduction to the Sociology of Music, his presence is still keenly felt in this field s scholarly discourse. For instance, DeNora writes: Despite the various criticisms that have been directed against Adorno s unique version of music sociology, there is no discounting its seriousness, no question that 27Teifal does not take into account African American gospel music s long history in the pew.
Nor does he acknowledge Rock n Roll s debt to African American music, especially as it relates to music within the church, in the preceding eras Burnim and Maultsby, ; Maultsby, ; Williams-Jones, For this reason, Adorno remains a figure with whom to reckon p. Indeed, significant contributors to the popular music studies dialectic have had to engage Adorno. Middleton , who substantially critiqued Adorno, states, anyone wanting to argue the importance of studying popular music has to absorb Adorno in order to go beyond him p.
Frith certainly did, summarily stating that mass cultural critique was an indictment of low culture from the perspective of high art as was certainly the case for Adorno p. Longhurst , pp. He addresses Adorno s generalisations of pop music, his choice of works for analysis, his non-reflective stance on his own historical and social context and conditioning, his lack of attention to the dynamic and changing nature of music p.
In her book, After Adorno: Rethinking Music Sociology, DeNora recognises one of the major flaws in Adorno s work as his tendency to use his own interpretation of form his immanent method of critique as a methodology of knowing about social relations and about history p. Moreover, his sparse socio-musical landscape consisted of only social forces, musical materials, composers, and listeners, thus missing the weighty complexities of musical consumption and its implications ibid.
Despite his shortcomings, DeNora lauds his rejection of the dualism of music and society ibid. DeNora ultimately proposes a reconciliation of Adorno s key themes with new conceptions of music in sociology and society in musicology ibid. Another dominant figure looming over the sociomusicological landscape was French sociologist, anthropologist and philosopher, Pierre Bourdieu. Despite Bourdieu s sparse direct engagement with music in his writings, and even rarer engagement with popular music, his concepts of cultural capital Bourdieu, , field Bourdieu, , and habitus Bourdieu, have been profoundly influential.
In a critique of Bourdieu s influence on music sociology, Prior observes that Bourdieu-inspired studies of both popular and classical music now occupy a good chunk of the field p. However, he goes on to evaluate in the light of more recent sociomusicological scholarship Born, , ; DeNora, ; Hennion, , , that Bourdieu s analyses of art in cultural encounter seem rather flat p.
Without diminishing Bourdieu s ongoing influence, Prior makes a final point worth citing; the necessary interdisciplinary activity required to do justice to the study of popular music and, thus, also to CCS can equally dilute all disciplinary methodologies. He states: A little musicology for formal analysis of the work, a little Husserl for temporality, a little Merleau-Ponty to bring in the body, a touch of Foucault for subjectivity, a whiff of Deleuze for some difference, some cultural anthropology and Actor Network Theory for the object.
All of which can end up in a mish-mash theoretical pragmatism that wants the best of all worlds. While theoretical eclecticism can be a useful corrective to siding with a single theorist, it can also end up as a marriage of inconsistent premises ibid.
Theoretical eclecticism is an issue for the popular music scholar; there are multiple disciplines, methodologies, and theoretical frameworks through which one can meaningfully explore the field. It is equally an issue for the study of CCS, which leads me to a discussion of music semiology.
Although this work centred on historical Western art music, it helpfully recognised the potential for all music to communicate infinite meaning. His tripartite analysis of music provided new paths for musicologists, ethnomusicologists and sociomusicologists to explore.
One of the benefits of his analytical approach was the avoidance of conflating experiences of consumption with production intent or projecting intent of the composer into the analysis of a score. As interesting as his approach is to musical analysis, possibly his greater achievement was to call into question the fortress of previously impenetrable composer-centric or score- centric scholarship of Western art music traditions.
Nattiez writes: An analysis in effect states itself in the form of a discourse—spoken or written— and it is consequently the product of an action; it leaves a trace and gives rise to readings, interpretations, and criticisms ibid. Thus, Nattiez brought the written analysis of music from a declarative to discursive state and removed some of the mystical authority of music historians and musicologists; while at the same time not undermining the premise for and value of musical analysis.
Despite Nattiez s enticing work, DeNora felt the limitations of musicology s conventional concern with the music object which she contends highlight[s] why semiotic analysis is not sufficient as a means of addressing the question of music s affect in practice, music s role in daily life p. Despite this perceived weakness, DeNora seems to echo Nattiez in this statement; Whether Nattiez s music semiology is seen as restrictive or liberating, it has nevertheless impacted the musicological landscape.
Despite such utilisations, a serious challenge to musical semiotics is articulated by Mirigliano Mirigliano s following summary articulates his scholarly dilemma with this approach: [I]t is precisely on its founding object that musical semiotics manifests its limits and its insufficiency… [I]f music is a sign, or if one wants to study musical phenomena as if they were signs, an exhaustive description of them imposes the recourse to two planes, the expression plane and the content plane: a semiotics of music would begin where the empirical exercise of interpretative practices is replaced by the explicit description of a formal system of content.
It is here that a semiotic approach to the facts of music and of art has to gauge its theoretical and operative pertinence and fecundity. It is also here that musical semiotics risks giving us only negative answers — negative in the logical sense that musical semiotics can perhaps tell us only what music is not ibid.
Essentially, Mirigliano recognises that music as a sign cannot denote or connote any specific content, even intangible content, such as a specific emotion; for example, no musical expression consistently means joy to every listener, nor do composers presume to impose upon listeners such a finite interpretation.
Unsurprisingly, Mirigliano does not attempt to solve the conundrum, but simply articulate it. Notwithstanding this critique, Nattiez s over-arching ideas and methods have merit for this research in terms of the complex, partially closed and integrated system of CCS creation and consumption. All of the songwriters listed in the representative songs are also local church congregation members. They write from their experience of worship, as well as from revelations they receive in and through their church.
Such revelations may flow from the messages preached, specific vision statements, informal congregational dialogue, or from the general spiritual milieu. Finally, though Nattiez s focus is on Western art music, his statement below could equally apply to the experiential and embodied nature of popular and vernacular musics, including CCS: Because it is a metalanguage, musical analysis cannot substitute for the lived experience of the musical.
If analysis should achieve this substitution, that would mean that discourse is the musical piece itself. The relationship between experienced musical reality and discourse about music is necessarily an oblique one. The musical metalogue is, moreover, always full of gaps. Nattiez, , p. The CCS genre is so profoundly praxis-oriented and experiential, the linguistic nature of this research is faced with the inadequacies of musical analysis and discourse to articulate its multitudinous and multisensory facets.
This thesis as musical metalogue, like all others as Nattiez states, will inevitably be full of gaps , which can only be bridged by actual engagement with the music itself and an experience of its contexts of performance.
Around the same time as Nattiez, Middleton articulated an ambitious redefinition of musicology, to remap the terrain… of the whole of Western musical history in his book, Studying Popular Music p. Despite his substantial critique of Adorno s work, Middleton arrives at where he believes Adorno s journey should have taken him: to an embrace of the contradictions, struggle and conflict within popular music.
Contradictions, struggle and conflict in the CCS genre will similarly feature throughout this thesis. Middleton also shuns positivist music analysis approaches for a range of inter- disciplinary tools to explore the musical-social totality, a concept that continues to play out in the new musicology addressed later in this section. Another significant contributor to the discourse on popular music studies in the s was British sociomusicologist Simon Frith. He argues for a reintegration of mind high art , and body low art , in the discussion of all music.
Frith engages with the theories and propositions of his predecessors and contemporaries, including Adorno, Bourdieu, Williams, Keil, Finnegan, and many others. In Chapter Three I will return to a discussion of Frith and the parity between concepts of popular and effective.
Frith summarises his book as an argument for an aesthetic theory based on a sociological approach to music ibid. One of Frith s initial challenges is his observation that "[c]ulture as an academic object, in short, is different from culture as a popular activity, a process, and the value terms which inform the latter are, it seems, irrelevant to the analysis of the former" ibid. Part of the significance of this work is his ability to harmonise the value terms related to the process of popular cultural activity — a sociological approach, with the traditional academic object — and its historical and musicological approach.
He accomplishes this task not only by examining concepts of value in music, but also by exploring the basis or terms of justification for those assessments ibid. The popular cultural activity, in this case, are individual and gathered practices of Christian musical worship, while the object is the CCS genre, a genre many associate with low art. Frith asserts that just because the object of value judgements high and low art are different doesn't mean that the processes of judgement are" ibid.
In so arguing, Frith removes some of the elitist scaffolding upholding the traditional dichotomies of high and low art. Such criteria are certainly relevant to CCS, especially in their lived musical experience. Frith s bent towards film and, later on, film music does not invalidate his theory. While he does not rigorously outline what classical musicological theories he means, popular music genres, and especially CCS, fit into well-worn paths of the Western diatonic musical common practices.
Especially, then, at the neutral level of analysis in Chapters Four and Five , standard musicological tools can be informative. On a different tangent, Frith , in discussing pop musicians in particular, singers , notes that they "may be 'unschooled' This very much applies to the congregational singer and potentially to the lead singers on the platform. The congregation is regularly indirectly tutored in how to sing through the contemporary church worship services.
Doing is not only considered a didactic function but, in fact, the essential goal of corporate worship. The reality of this ad hoc training-as-by-product, lacking in any pedagogical consideration, has become the focus of recent scholarship from a growing number of authors including Dawson , Brett and Robinson On the topic of song lyrics, and based on the research of the time, Frith suggests that teenagers either did not understand song lyrics or were not particularly focussed on them.
Based on this, Frith claims that the common practice of separating song lyrics from their musical setting in analysing meaning promotes faulty conclusions. There is adequate evidence to support that conclusion today. However, are CCS any different? Given that some CCS lyrics can be equivocal at best and heretical at worst, it may be argued that singers of CCS clearly do not understand or particularly focus on the lyrics. Gilbert has conducted research supporting this notion. Without delving more deeply here it is addressed from various perspectives in Chapters Five to Seven , it nevertheless affirms Frith s observations that lyrics should be considered both as content , analysed for meaning, as well as being considered within their performative context and lyrical-musical marriage.
Finally, as with Nattiez, appreciate Frith s self-reflection and self-critique, while in the midst of developing his arguments he acknowledges musical talk is both necessary and useless Frith, , p. During this period of popular music studies scholarship, Negus published Popular Music in Theory: An Introduction He wrestled with practices of production and consumption, or creativity and commerce, not just as dichotomies, but rather in questioning how oppositional the practices really are, and examining the mediating processes involved between them.
In so doing, he critiqued the work of Adorno and others and proposed that [h]ow we actually listen to the sounds, words and images and what these mean and how we then use these in our lives can surely be no more determined than the language we have available to speak with will determine what we are going to say.
He goes on to say, t is one thing to concede that our choices as audiences are clearly limited… but it is quite another to declare that music s more experiential dimensions… [are] so clearly determined ibid. DeNora s empirical studies added weight to Negus contention, as this study will also do through esthesic analysis in Chapter Six.
Concluding this selective survey of popular music studies scholarship is a brief acknowledgement of Allan Moore, whose extensive contribution to the field is referenced throughout this thesis. The latter two are excellent summaries of many of the developments in the field to those points. Walser s opening chapter, in Analyzing Popular Music, directly levels his academic arsenal against Frith s work.
Walser says, instead of aestheticizing popular music, we should be historicizing all music and accounting in each case for the particular pleasures that are offered and thus for the values on which they depend and to which they appeal Walser, , p. I am not sure that Frith, himself, would object to that statement. Walser, however, progressively elevates his critique stating: Frith argues that popular music deserves the sorts of aesthetic distinctions that are taken for granted in discussions of more elite forms of culture.
Even more than that, he contends that we must establish value in order to be able to convince others to listen to what we like ibid. Walser goes on to suggest [s]ince Frith limits his concern to what he thinks people should be listening to, without examining the moral and ethical commitments that underpin such choices, his is not really a discourse of value as much as a discourse of power ibid.
Walser s arguments are persuasive, though he clearly enjoys the role of agitator, and they rest on the premise that musical analysis is really human analysis, as we are the creators, consumers and meaning-givers to music. This is perhaps as good a definition as any of the concepts behind the new musicology.
The test of their utility is simply whether they can lead to more illuminating analyses of popular music ibid. I repeat them here in order to examine their usefulness in the analysis of CCS. Unlike language, music often seems not to require translation 3. Musical judgements can never be dismissed as subjective; neither can they ever be celebrated as objective 4.
Analysis is a relational activity; its success is relative to its goals, which analysts should feel obliged to make clear 6. Analysis is inevitably reductive, which is precisely why it s useful 8. Popular music and classical music cannot be compared in terms of value because these categories are interdependent and actively reproduced 9. Twentieth-century music is the music that twentieth-century people have made and heard You only have the problem of connecting music and society if you ve separated them in the first place ibid.
The undercurrent of humour and somewhat academically inflammatory language should not diminish the contribution. His observations regarding the all but obliterated lines between musicology, ethnomusicology and music theory, as well as popular, classical and twentieth-century musics are signs of popular music study s maturing as a discipline.
He is not alone in questioning disciplinary demarcations in music Stobart, His third apothegm is again not new see Nattiez, , pp. His fifth and seventh apothegms identify analysis as requiring clear goals, acknowledging its relational nature and its reductive process. In doing so, the scholar makes no more and no less of their analysis and sets others up to read it contextually.
His tenth apothegm rests on decades of hard-fought academic debate attempting to reconcile sociology and musicology. The statement makes it sound as though there should not have needed to be such aggressive dialectic to arrive at such an obvious position; however, this is the privilege of hindsight. With that in mind, I position myself firmly in my expertise and professional experience as a musician, composer and performer, and thus recognise my orientation towards musicological concerns and the dynamics of live performance, including its environment and reception.
Because of CCM s implicit acceptance as a genre within popular music at both an industry Billboard and academic level, many writers feel no need to justify CCS s alliance with popular music. For example, Mumford identifies the pervasive CCM or worship music as first and foremost a subgenre of the American popular music that emerged in the mid- s p. Webber acknowledges pop music s origins in chorus music pervading the modern church.
Ingersoll provides slightly more detail, noting easy-listening , pop-rock , reggae beats and harder classical rock music accompanying contemporary Christian worship music p. Gormly states that CCM is virtually indistinguishable from its secular counterparts p. For example, he describes how individuals engage with musical texts p. Another example is his comment about the lack of direct correlation between the popularity of performers and substantive content of their work p.
How true this is of CCS, where, for example, a new song from Hillsong Music will not be measured necessarily on its own merits, but rather on the reputation and influence of the brand Riches and Wagner, Shuker s explanation of culture as it relates to popular music is particularly relevant to CCS: We need to see culture as a reciprocal concept, an active practice which shapes and conditions economic and political processes, as well as being conditioned and shaped by them.
The various types of consumers of popular music genres… illustrate this reciprocity, occupying a critical social space in the process whereby the music acquires cultural meaning and significance , p. CCS influence, and are influenced by, the broader contemporary Christian culture, as well as denominational, national, economic, and secular cultural activities and paradigms.
Reciprocally, CCS have had a monumental impact on Western Christian culture denominationally, nationally, and internationally. Is CCS then a sub- cultural or a counter-cultural movement? Howard suggests that it could be both.
For some, it is a subculture of overall societal values; for others, it is countercultural, standing in the face of hegemonic dominance p. Gordon approaches this topic from a unique media ecology perspective. He states that unless individuals choose to listen to an alternative musical style or styles, they are predominantly subjected to the surrounding style of pop.
Thus, the cultural gatekeepers essentially groom us to prefer popular music unless we have had significant alternative influences, or have consciously chosen to reject that grooming. Ingersoll suggests a more socio-historical approach, identifying Baby Boomers as the first Americans to grow up with popular music as a continual backdrop to their lives p.
As Morgenthaler discovered, the logical extrapolation is for their general musical preferences to impact their preferred worship styles. As expected, commercial motives are often assigned to CCS adoption of popular music forms. While physical sales are still in decline, income derived from digital sales, performance rights, and synchronisation rights continues to grow Recording ndustry in Numbers, There is no escaping the fact that the CCS is big business.
Music and Integrity, had transformed the way congregational songs were produced and distributed, and the way the contemporary church sang. Moreover, they had also created substantial new Christian commercial enterprises. It was an accurate account then, and even more so now: The album-a-year policy of Hillsong is testimony to [the current throw-away pop culture society].
Many of the great songs recorded on previous albums are never to be sung again, such is the requirement that new songs be adopted, tested, recorded and sold. But this is true virtually across the board Evans, , p. It is equally testimony to the need to return, with regularity, substantial revenues to the recording and publishing labels, as Marsh and Roberts also observe.
While they acknowledge that "[t]he links between religion [specifically CCM] and economics are very complex" p. It initiates a discussion of CCS divergence from popular music studies. Finnegan s ethnographic work focussed not on a genre, nor on prescribed professional or commercial expressions of music, but rather on the lived practices of music within a community.
She analyses this complex communal musical praxis through three interconnected modes; classical pre-written work , jazz improvised work , and rock communal-performance-created work , pp. Interestingly, all three modes are pertinent to the study of CCS. All of the twenty-five representative songs listed for analysis in the following chapter were specifically pre-written and pre-recorded before making their journey towards market saturation that finally caused their appearance in the CCLI reports.
At the same time, these songs are played in thousands of local churches every week. In essence, improvisatory skills are extensively exercised in the performance of these songs as Finnegan notes as a specifically identifiable practice in jazz.
Finnegan was clearly an academic precursor to vernacular music studies, which will be explored momentarily. Two insightful quotes from Tagg are a fitting conclusion to this section. Firstly he states, [o]ne of the initial problems for any new field of study is the attitude of incredulity it meets. The serious study of popular music is no exception to this rule. Secondly, he states [i]t is clear that a holistic approach to the analysis of popular music is the only viable one if one wishes to reach a full understanding of all factors interacting with the conception, transmission and reception of the object of study ibid.
It is this holistic approach which this research undertakes in its pursuit of an increased understanding of the CCS genre, cognisant of maintaining methodological and theoretical integrity. Vernacular Music Vernacular music is a relatively new term coined by Bruce Johnson in examining music which is: largely generated at a local level and expresses the sense of the immediate, lived experience, of individual and collective regional identity.
Vernacular is the everyday language as spoken by a group of people. In the same way, vernacular music is indicative of music created for and by laypeople and reproduced physically, rather than playing a recording or attending as an audience. Happy Birthday is sung at all manner of venues, by groups of people, to celebrate an individual s birthday. Generally, all attending will sing, whether trained or untrained, whether musically gifted or completely tone deaf.
At the football stadium, fans will spontaneously launch into their team s anthem a cappella. People join in as someone picks up a guitar at a party and starts to play old favourites. These are but a few examples of vernacular music. Evans argues that CCS are essentially reflective of the immediate, lived experience of particular churches and thus fit within the vernacular music discourse p.
While CCS can be experienced simply as performed music with religious content, the nature of gathered believers worshipping is communal, as has been established earlier; gathered believers express their relationship with God through the singing of songs. Evans defines the scholarly challenge of CCS s vernacular core this way: There is a very real danger that we have allowed the current congregational music that proliferates in our churches, whether it be the compositions of Redman, Hughes, Zschech, Baloche or Tomlin, to become kitsch, to become the everyday music we are somehow embarrassed about analysing.
This is not the fault of those outside the Church; it is the responsibility of those of us within the Church, who deal in researching and teaching about contemporary Christian Music, to not shy away from the everyday musical experiences of our local congregations , pp. His insights map well to the CCS territory, and are explored below.
Johnson speaks of diversity and hybridity of Australian jazz in recent decades. He discusses music in social practice being extraordinarily rich in diversification ibid. CCS, as expressed in local churches of myriad denominations and movements across Australia, equally demonstrate this rich diversification. Moreover, hybridity is at the core of local church expressions of CCS; local churches use whatever accompanying instruments and skills they possess to reproduce the songs.
Enhancing this thought, Johnson argues that doctrines of formal perfection, central to institutionalised policy, education, administration are in stark contrast to vernacular music expressions ibid. This tension is clearly visible between original, commercially-released recordings of CCS, and live local church practices.
Both Evans , p. There is, in fact, a long history of disconnect between recorded musical experiences and their unrealisable live equivalents even in the broader popular music discourse, as noted by Frith , p. The post-production work on even so-called live albums is impossible to reproduce live.
The vocals have been post-multi-tracked, edited, tuned, and no longer have the audio spill associated with live recorded environments; equally, instrumental parts are perfected, edited, and layered. Next, audio effects are carefully automated into countless tracks, and extensive mixing and mastering occur to produce the commercially released live recording.
Johnson s modes of expressivity of vernacular music as communicated in local church worship indeed defy formal perfection. Johnson addresses the collective improvisation and interactivity of audiences with extrinsic conditions as anathema to the Western musicological traditions of exalting the autonomous text. This is consistent with CCS practices, where actual live expressions of a song may substantially alter and enhance the original musical text.
Sections of a song that are affective at a given moment may be extensively repeated; other sections may be left out. On a related theme, Johnson states the intractability of collective improvisation to the form of a scored opus [which] constitutes a radical disadvantage to legitimacy as high art , p. Even though many churches attempt to reproduce songs as recorded at least regarding form and style , pentecostal-charismatic environments, in particular, celebrate space for the organic and collaborative in corporate worship.
Free worship or spontaneous singing as expressed by a congregation in the instrumental sections of songs, or at the end of a song is a common example. A final comment is warranted regarding Johnson s observation that the aesthetic forcefield that arranges itself around the serious music composer is an inappropriate model for the vernacular music tradition ibid. The relationships between composers of CCS, performers, audience, music-text and venue in the contemporary local church are equally complex and multifarious.
CCS composers are, as previously mentioned, also local church parishioners. In fact, Hillsong Church has an unwritten, though thoroughly enforced, policy to allow only songs to be recorded that come from active congregation members. The reasons for these exceptions are beyond the scope of this thesis. As ethnomusicologist Titon confirms: Our questions concern music as lived experience, as commodity, as social practice, and as cultural symbol , p.
It is beyond the scope of this thesis to explore the entire academic heritage for this field. Nevertheless, it raises a question; how then do vernacular music studies methodologies and methods affect CCS research? One implication is that the professional performance live or recorded of these songs, which will be analysed as the musical text , is not sufficient to understand this genre. The average congregant s interaction, engagement, and reproduction of these songs are essential components which cannot be assessed solely through the analysis of the professionally recorded work.
While an ethnographic approach may appear to serve this research aim, I believe there are advantages to the analysis of an anonymous audio-recorded survey, which I articulate in the following chapter. Viewing CCS as vernacular music is helpful in establishing its differentiation from broader popular music. Identifying these differences, such as focussed audience contribution, increased improvisation, and democratization of musical roles allows appropriate tools to be applied to its analysis.
Moreover, CCS as vernacular music is intrinsically linked to the hypotheses of this thesis. Two key questions buttress a comprehensive analysis of contemporary congregational songs; what can the average Western believer sing? And what do they want to sing? Such questions are at the heart of vernacular music; music that is created and consumed by those in the lived experience of personal and corporate worship. CCS lyrics contribute to answering those questions; to which we now turn.
In other words, the sonic narrative expresses Christian theological beliefs in fashionable, popular jargon p. Erickson s recommendation is simply, liturgical language should be like a clean window — you look through it, not at it p. Others are more direct in their critique. Dawn declares, "no matter how musically wonderful, pieces must be rejected if the text is theologically inadequate" p.
This is a common strain, and Tucker is one of those who resonates with it. She focuses on the text separate from musical style and instrumental accompaniment, demanding that the lyrical content accurately conforms to the Christian s theological and doctrinal position. She postulates that historically, Christian reform in song was related to the aligning of Christian doctrine with lyrical form p. Given that a broad denominational acceptance of contemporary congregational songs exists, either current CCS lyrics are general enough not to arouse the wrath of denominational distinctives, or, many at the grass-roots level of local churches are less preoccupied with those distinctives.
There are certainly some writers who are preoccupied with them, Parrett among them; Perhaps a new wind of theologically sensitive songs will blow some of the chaff out of our sanctuaries for good The question arises; do CCS lyrics need to represent a full spectrum of Christian theology and doctrine? Riches does not think so. She makes the point that Pentecostal worship does not attempt any systematic theology in its lyrical endeavours, but rather addresses the particular worship context of the local church, encouraging and challenging believers in their relationship with God p.
Liesch , at a further extreme, suggests that contemporary songs are incapable of the task of comprehensive doctrine. While he accuses CCS of lacking a mature exposition of the broad range of biblical doctrines, the implication is that he believes they should offer such an exposition. I propose that the idea that all biblical doctrines should be enshrined in congregational song is both impractical, and unnecessary.
If the role of music in corporate worship is a catalyst for divine encounter, as Jennings , pp. Quite apart from this, historically, oral culture used song to transfer important knowledge to future generations, but this is not the case in Western culture today; didactic material written, recorded, broadcast, and digitally disseminated on Christian doctrine is freely and widely available for those who seek it. Whether CCS lyrics are doctrinally comprehensive or not, music s power to validate poor lyrics cannot be overstated.
Veteran worship music publisher Prince notes, songs can carry alarming heresies and still be cheerfully sung from one end of the land to the other, over and over again p. Chant n. Chant purports that one of the reasons for songs influential nature is that, unlike sermons, songs are easily repeated.
Indeed, congregations who would be quite upset to hear their pastor preach the same message four weeks in a row, are quite happy to sing the same song much longer than that p. Songs teach Christian truth or error. People believe what they sing p.
These writers affirm that the result of congregational participation in CCS is that song lyrics become believers personal confessions. The constant declaration of these lyrics must inevitably shape one s beliefs. Alongside the potential of song lyrics to subvert authority or skew theology, Abbington observes that sometimes those who are making decisions about songs used in a church context focus more on style than substance pp.
Such a basis for song choice potentially facilitates heretical congregational confessions. Indeed, often those making decisions about the use of specific contemporary songs in Pentecostal church life are not theologically trained. Scholars for example, Duncan, , p. Hughes maintains, "the tune must support the meaning of the text. It is inevitable that a sentimental melody attached to a hortatory text will deflate the force of the text" p.
Hughes perhaps has an example in mind, but the generalisation here is too equivocal. Furthermore, no evidence is provided that such a melody will beget inaction or indecision. Johansson , in his book Discipling Music Ministry, surmises that Christians who only sing choruses will end up as spiritually deep as the lyrical content of those songs. The adjectives utilised by Johansson seem to reference musical style as much as, if not more than, lyrical content. The conflation involved in style and content debates are recognised by Ashton who astutely notes: One result of the power of music is that people become deeply wedded to their personal preferences and find it difficult to recognise that the style of music is almost always a matter of no intrinsic theological importance p.
Musical style is only connected to theology through human attribution and agency, affirmed by both Ashton and Corbitt , pp. Furthermore, musical style is a human construction; arguably for the Christian it is an extension of the original Creator, but humans ascribe theology to musical style, musical style cannot ascribe theology to itself. Therefore musical style can be considered always to be of no intrinsic theological importance.
This is not to suggest musical style is value-neutral, although once again, this is not intrinsic to music, but rather to human attribution. Webber's experience of CCS adds fuel to the critiques of textual and musical tensions previously cited. Furthermore, the text is no longer the unifying thread, but rather, as he refers to it, the sameness of the musical beat, the overwhelming noise of the band, and the similarity of the musical content Webber, Webber s description of musical style here reveals his preferences.
Apart from which, the accusation of sameness of beat could equally be levelled at hymns, by the uninitiated. Faulkner is more pragmatic in his assessment of many Christians popular music preferences in worship. It is not only lyrical content, or the appropriate matching of music to lyrics, that gains attention from academics. Colloquial grammar abounds in CCS. Chant, however, feels that foisting bad grammar on a congregation is equivalent to insulting them.
Be that as it may, language is an evolving communication form and on its evolving edge of common usage, grammar is equivocal. Analysis of representative CCS lyrics in Chapters Four and Five will touch on the use of colloquial language, as a mirror of culture, and as one of the connecting threads to vernacular music. In summary, the subject of CCS lyrics is highly contentious. This research, instead, seeks to determine how the music and lyrics already utilised in CCS constitute a relevant, useful, and affective expression of genuine worship for Christians engaging with the genre.
Among the field, many have engaged in ethnographic or phenomenological approaches see Adnams, ; Bettcher, ; Hall, ; Hawn, ; Ingalls, ; Jennings, ; Ong, , which is arguably the combined result of a young research field and one that often defines itself experientially Jennings, ; Vondey and Mittelstadt, , p.
Sociology and religious studies have certainly informed these studies, though many of them consider themselves within the discipline of ethnomusicology, which has been typically associated with the study of other musics Bohlman, , pp. Ingalls states it plainly when she speaks of the importation of the charismatic praise and worship model into the congregations she studied pp.
These studies often excel at identifying specific practices and extrapolating theoretical positions related to CCS and their communities. However, as their focus is on those communities, the CCS genre itself, and specific musicological concerns are often not central to any analyses. A few authors see Brett, ; Dawson, ; Robinson, have focused on vocal technique and vocal care within contemporary churches utilising CCS.
Walrath and Woods ibid. They are explored further in the following chapter, but for now, let us explore the other voices in this field. Harold Best is one of the notable earlier scholars to engage with the church s utilisation of popular music styles, although this was not his sole focus.
He promulgates musical pluralism and challenges those who argue for the morality of music apart from lyrics. He also challenges preconceptions of musical value judgements, which Christians can be quick to exercise. He advocates the new, both musically and technologically. Corbitt comes closest to attempting a framework for the congregational song; it is a simple one, but still informative. He proposes three essential attributes to the effective congregational song; that they should be singable, the music, danceable, and they should contain a meaningful message , p.
This singable feature is a core quality scrutinised throughout this thesis in each analytical level. Corbitt s fascinating second quality danceable resonates with extant scholarship on the somatic nature of popular music Hesmondhalgh, , p. CCS danceable quality has been observed by many authors for example, Ingalls, ; Jennings, ; Ong, ; Wagner, and it does not require further endorsement here.
Finally, the meaningful message is a feature of CCS that again is woven through each level of analysis. Corbitt concludes: The meaning of music resides in people, not in sounds. In a general sense, our evaluation of music has more to do with the people who make it, perform it, and respond to it and the context in which it is performed than the music itself p. In this way, Corbitt reiterates the ideas of his sociomusicological contemporaries. What is notable in Corbitt s work is his ability to hold in tension these sociomusicological concerns with textual analysis and music psychology; having said that, his analytical approach has limitations.
For example, Corbitt proposes that an appropriate analysis of CCS musical texts would comprise the following three steps: [Firstly] the music is analyzed. This is a nonjudgmental stage where we ask the question, What is the message of the song actually preaching? In the second stage, the song is compared to both cultural norms and biblical standards. In the third stage, we draw conclusions about the directives of the message p.
Even Corbitt s comment that "[b]ecause texts of music are written within cultural, historical, political, and even economic contexts, their meaning must first be discovered within that context" , p. In affirming songs as the pre-eminent form of Christian worship, Quantz advocates more of a musicological focus, in at least the first three of the four ways he believes congregational songs can be meaningful and effective p.
Firstly, he proposes composers of vocal music adopt a limited range and tessitura. Secondly, he calls for congregational songs to be less rhythmic complexity than instrumental music. Thirdly, he promotes melodic contours that generally favour smaller intervals, especially step movement. Finally, Quantz says that while not everyone can play a musical instrument, all can sing, thus affirming the universality of songs in worship.
The vocal range and tessitura of representative CSS will certainly be analysed, as will the intervallic structures of melody — building on the work of Schellenberg Schellenberg, , ; Schellenberg and Trehub, ; Stalinski and Schellenberg, Quantz does not define which instrumental music CCS should be compared with, but given the growing rhythmic complexity of much CSS, compared to hymns, many popular songs within the genre may not resolve his criteria.
While not all of Quantz s criteria can be empirically tested, certainly his first and third points can and will be in the neutral level analysis. Begbie s contribution is interesting in its attempt to create, from biblical text and history, an approach involving Christian ecology which utilises Creation as a framework. He is particularly interested in applying this to musical theologians and theological musicians.
Rather than a theology of worship, Begbie works towards a theology of music, which does not attempt to promote or demote any particular musical style. In one sense then, it lacks a position on musical worship and the believer, except to spread a very wide interpretation of Creation and humanity s position in the Christian ecology. There is a veiled warning here, as heard elsewhere, that analysis that purports positivist song meaning will quickly reveal its inadequacies.
There is also the insight that people easily reinterpret music based on the setting in which they experience it, which DeNora s research supports. Begbie advocates thinking of music in a Christian ecology that is neither escapist nor imperialist. Others who have sought an inclusive framework for Christians interaction with all popular music whether in consumption or creation include Faulkner , Joseph , Howard and Streck and Marsh and Roberts Marsh and Roberts are of particular interest; they explore popular music through sacramental theology.
They suggest this convergent theological approach to popular music has growing interest; that popular music can be a "channel of the self-revelation of God, or of the grace of God" ibid. Their attempt to align Christian perspectives of popular music with Daniel Levitin s The World in Six Songs is admirable, though potentially problematic, given Levitin s evolutionary, and ultimately scientifically reductive perspective. However, the most compelling aspect of their work is the creation of the Magisteria- biza Spectrum to describe affective space in which we consume popular music.
They describe affective space as any practice or activity that entails significant emotional engagement, through which a person can be shown to do more than just enjoying the moment ibid.
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